“I speak on behalf of the millions of human beings who are in ghettos because they have black skin or because they come from different cultures, and who enjoy status barely above that of an animal.
I suffer on behalf of the Indians who have been massacred, crushed, humiliated, and confined for centuries on reservations in order to prevent them from aspiring to any rights and to prevent them from enriching their culture through joyful union with other cultures, including the culture of the invader.
I cry out on behalf of those thrown out of work by a system that is structurally unjust and periodically unhinged, who are reduced to only glimpsing in life a reflection of the lives of the affluent.
I speak on behalf of women the world over, who suffer from a male-imposed system of exploitation. As far as we’re concerned, we are ready to welcome suggestions from anywhere in the world that enable us to achieve the total fulfillment of Burkinabè women. In exchange, we offer to share with all countries the positive experience we have begun, with women now present at every level of the state apparatus and social life in Burkina Faso. Women who struggle and who proclaim with us that the slave who is not able to take charge of his own revolt deserves no pity for his lot. This harbors illusions in the dubious generosity of a master pretending to set him free. Freedom can be won only through struggle, and we call on all our sisters of all races to go on the offensive to conquer their rights.
I speak on behalf of the mothers of our destitute countries who watch their children die of malaria or diarrhea, unaware that simple means to save them exist. The science of the multinationals does not offer them these means, preferring to invest in cosmetics laboratories and plastic surgery to satisfy the whims of a few women or men whose smart appearance is threatened by too many calories in their overly rich meals, the regularity of which would make you—or rather us from the Sahel—dizzy. We have decided to adopt and popularize these simple means, recommended by the WHO and UNICEF.
I speak, too, on behalf of the child. The child of a poor man who is hungry and who furtively eyes the accumulation of abundance in a store for the rich. The store protected by a thick plate glass window. The window protected by impregnable shutters. The shutters guarded by a policeman with a helmet, gloves, and armed with a billy club. The policeman posted there by the father of another child, who will come and serve himself—or rather be served—because he offers guarantees of representing the capitalistic norms of the system, which he corresponds to.
I speak on behalf of artists—poets, painters, sculptors, musicians, and actors—good men who see their art prostituted by the alchemy of show-business tricks.
I cry out on behalf of journalists who are either reduced to silence or to lies in order to not suffer the harsh low of unemployment.
I protest on behalf of the athletes of the entire world whose muscles are exploited by political systems or by modern-day slave merchants.
My country is brimming with all the misfortunes of the people of the world, a painful synthesis of all humanity’s suffering, but also—and above all—of the promise of our struggles. This is why my heart beats naturally on behalf of the sick who anxiously scan the horizons of science monopolized by arms merchants.
My thoughts go out to all of those affected by the destruction of nature and to those 30 million who will die as they do each year, struck down by the formidable weapon of hunger. As a military man, I cannot forget the soldier who is obeying orders, his finger on the trigger, who knows the bullet being fired bears only the message of death.
Finally, it fills me with indignation to think of the Palestinians, who an inhuman humanity has decided to replace with another people—a people martyred only yesterday. I think of this valiant Palestinian people, that is, these shattered families wandering across the world in search of refuge. Courageous, determined, stoic, and untiring, the Palestinians remind every human conscience of the moral necessity and obligation to respect the rights of a people. Along with their Jewish brothers, they are anti-Zionist.
At the side of my brother soldiers of Iran and Iraq who are dying in a fratricidal and suicidal war, I wish also to feel close to my comrades of Nicaragua, whose harbors are mined, whose villages are bombed, and who, despite everything, face their destiny with courage and clear-headedness. I suffer with all those in Latin America who suffer from the stranglehold of imperialism.
I wish to stand on the side of the Afghan and Irish peoples, on the side of the peoples of Granada and East Timor, each of whom is searching for happiness based on their dignity and the laws of their own culture.
I protest on behalf of all those who vainly seek a forum in this world where they can make their voice heard and have it genuinely taken into consideration. Many have preceded me at this podium and others will follow. But only a few will make the decisions. Yet we are officially presented as being equals. Well, I am acting as spokesperson for all those who vainly see a forum in this world where they can make themselves heard. So yes, I wish to speak on behalf of all “those left behind,” for “I am human, nothing that is human is alien to me.”
Our revolution in Burkina Faso embraces misfortunes of all peoples. It also draws inspiration from all of man’s experiences since his first breath. We wish to be the heirs of all the world’s revolutions and all the liberation struggles of the peoples of the Third World. Our eyes are on the profound upheavals that have transformed the world. We draw the lessons of the American Revolution, the lessons of its victory over colonial domination and the consequences of that victory. We adopt as our own the affirmation of the Doctrine whereby Europeans must not intervene in American affairs, nor Americans in European affairs. Just as Monroe proclaimed “America to the Americans” in 1823, we echo this today by saying “Africa to the Africans,” “Burkina to the Burkinabè.”“
| Thomas Sankara
[excerpt from his speech at the United Nations General Assembly on October 4th, 1984]
En 2005, onze ans après l’élection de Nelson Mandela et l’arrivée au pouvoir de l’ANC, quelques centaines de femmes et d’hommes habitant le bidonville de Kennedy Road à Durban (KwaZuluNatal) décidaient de se mobiliser contre la promesse non tenue par la municipalité de leur fournir des logements salubres. Ils marquaient ainsi l’acte de naissance d’Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM), en Zulu « les habitants des bidonvilles », un mouvement de la base et pour la base (grass root) qui allait bientôt devenir la plus grande organisation sociale militante autonome d’Afrique du Sud. Sur le mode de ce que sera Occupy, quelques années plus tard : occupation de l’espace urbain, dénonciation des privilèges d’une élite au détriment du peuple, expérience de fonctionnement démocratique, le mouvement va très vite s’organiser pour devenir un laboratoire de la contestation de la gestion libérale du gouvernement.
Un film, Dear Mandela, sorti en 2012, documente la lutte de ces femmes et de ces hommes et revient sur ce qui est leur plus grande victoire : le droit des pauvres à parler en leur nom 1.
Si le titre du film fait explicitement référence à Nelson Mandela c’est que, vivant, il incarne la question de l’apartheid et représente encore un rempart symbolique contre ses résurgences dans la société sud-africaine contemporaine. Le Black Economic Empowerment program (BEE) mis en place en 2001et visant à réparer les inégalités raciales a contribué à l’émergence d’une classe moyenne et d’une bourgeoise noire mais n’a pas permis à la grande majorité de sortir de la misère. Pire encore, l’entrée de l’Afrique du Sud dans l’économie néolibérale au début des années 2000 a eu pour conséquence immédiate la transformation d’une grande partie de la population en une classe de parias faisant, comme le dit Achille Mbembe dans l’introduction de son nouvel ouvrage Critique de la raison nègre, « l’objet de relégation dans une ‘humanité superflue’, livrée à l’abandon, et dont le capital n’a guère besoin pour son fonctionnement » 2. Relégation qui s’est opérée sous une forme de séparation spatiale consistant à cacher les pauvres loin des villes et des centres économiques.
C’est d’abord pour dénoncer et combattre cette nouvelle forme d’apartheid que s’est formé Abahlali baseMjondolo. Qualifiée de « Troisième force » en référence aux manipulations autrefois orchestrées par le gouvernement de l’apartheid pour diviser la population noire, AbM par la voix de son leader Sibusiso Innocent Zikode (ou S’bu Zikode), s’est approprié la référence pour dénoncer une criminalisation de la pauvreté qui passe encore par une rhétorique malheureusement bien connue. Mais aussi pour annoncer qu’ils ne déposeront pas les armes avant qu’une quatrième force advienne prenant en compte le droit des plus fragiles et des plus pauvres à accéder à une vie meilleure.
”Nous sommes animés par la Troisième Force, celle de la souffrance des pauvres. Ceux qui nous ont trahi sont la deuxième force. La première force a été notre lutte contre l’apartheid. La Troisième Force s’arrêtera lorsque la quatrième force viendra. La quatrième force c’est la terre, le logement, l’eau, l’électricité, les soins de santé, l’éducation et le travail. Nous ne demandons que le fondamental - et non le luxe. C’est la lutte des pauvres. Il est temps que les pauvres eux-mêmes démontrent que l’on peut être pauvre dans la vie, mais pas en soi.” S’bu Zikode 3
La Constitution sud-africaine
Article 26. logement
Chacun a le droit d’avoir accès à un logement convenable. L’Etat doit prendre les mesures législatives et toutes autres mesures raisonnables, compte-tenu des ressources disponibles, pour parvenir à la réalisation progressive de ce droit. Nul ne peut être expulsé de sa maison ou voir sa maison démolie, sans une ordonnance du tribunal rendue après examen de toutes les circonstances pertinentes. Aucune loi ne peut autoriser d’expulsions arbitraires. 4
Le film tourné entre 2007 et 2010 documente le combat le plus emblématique d’AbM qui sera de s’opposer au Slums Act - un arêté de 2007 visant à éradiquer les bidonvilles péri-urbains dans le KwaZulu-Natal. La victoire en 2009 sera là encore marquée par la figure tutélaire de Nelson Mandela lorsque la cour suprême de Johannesburg jugera le Slums Act non conforme à la Constitution qui fut promulguée en 1996 par le « Père de la Nation ».
Mais le mouvement ne s’est pas seulement mobilisé pour le droit des pauvres à la ville. Il a mis en place une politique d’autogestion sociale apportant un soutien matériel réel aux habitants des bidonvilles. Nourri par une démarche intellectuelle radicale notamment grâce à son premier président S’bu Zikode, intellectuel autodidacte et à des intellectuels sud-africains qui ont très tôt rejoint le mouvement tels que Nigel Gibson ou Richard Pithouse, il a donné corps à une université qui prône l’accès à la connaissance par un aller-retour constant entre le « savoir » et le « faire ». Au cours de ces séances de leaving learning, Jacques Rancière et Frantz Fanon mais aussi toutes les luttes d’émancipation de par le monde, sont invoqués et servent de base de réflexion aux revendications de dignité, de reconnaissance, d’égalité et d’éducation qui sont portées comme autant d’actes politiques. Car c’est bien le terrain politique qu’AbM compte occuper quand il brandit le slogan : « Sans terre, ni toit, pas de vote ».
Comme le montre bien le film, le mouvement a fait l’objet de constantes tentatives d’intimidations et de menaces réelles de dislocation, ce qui a eu pour un effet un relatif affaiblissement ces dernières années. Mais il fait de nouveau parler de lui comme l’atteste sa page Facebook et continue surtout de prendre part activement aux revendications sociales qui secouent la nation arc-en-ciel.
Dans un récent et beau portrait fait de lui, Sibusiso Innocent Zikode annonce à qui veut bien l’entendre ” Le premier Nelson Mandela était Jésus-Christ. Le deuxième, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. Le troisième Nelson Mandela est « tous les pauvres du monde.” 5
Abahlali baseMjondolo prouve qu’il est possible de mener le combat contre les formes les plus oppressives de gouvernement des hommes qu’elles soient politiques ou économiques. C’est la meilleure nouvelle de ce film qui doit circuler et la médiatisation du mouvement avec 6.
A lire aussi : Sabine Cessou, « Trois émeutes par jour en Afrique du Sud », Le Monde diplomatique, mars 2013.
Notes
Dear Mandela • Réalisateurs : Dara KELL et Christopher NIZZA • Afrique du Sud / USA • 2012 • 93 minutes • Anglais / Zoulou • www.dearmandela.com ↩︎
Achille MBEMBE, Critique de la raison nègre, La Découverte, octobre 2013. ↩︎
« We are driven by the Third Force, the suffering of the poor. Our betrayers are the Second Force. The First Force was our struggle against apartheid. The Third Force will stop when the Fourth Force comes. The Fourth Force is land, housing, water, electricity, health care, education and work. We are only asking what is basic – not what is luxurious. This is the struggle of the poor. The time has come for the poor to show themselves that we can be poor in life but not in mind. » S’bu Zikode. http://abahlali.org/?p=17 ↩︎
Article 26 de la Constitution sud-africaine ”_26. Housing « Everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing. The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of this right. No one may be evicted from their home, or have their home demolished, without an order of court made after considering all the relevant circumstances. No legislation may permit arbitrary evictions. » ↩︎
« The first Nelson Mandela was Jesus Christ. The second was Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. The third Nelson Mandela are the poor people of the world. » ↩︎
Le film a beaucoup tourné dans les festivals et les réalisateurs espèrent le diffuser plus en Afrique, au Mali notamment. Voir la page Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/dearmandela ↩︎
Lagos Photo Festival 5th Edition ‘Staging Reality, Documenting Fiction’ October 25 - November 26, 2014
http://www.lagosphotofestival.com
Nyim (King) Kot a-Mbweeky III of the Bakuba (of Congo) by Eliot Elisofon
Fitting of my F.A.T.E larp outfit 2# for Henry-Pierre
Wangechi Mutu, Primary Syphilitic Ulcers of the Cervix, 2005
Collages by: Jamilla Okubo
Shot and Directed by Sir Dex R. Jones
Garment Designs/Headpieces: Jamilla Okubo
Pattern Designs on Fabric: Jamilla Okubo
Model: Jamilla Okubo
This was a project for my final assignment, for my “Fashion, Illustration, & Performance” class at Parsons.. which could potentially become the start of my thesis for this year. The design process of these garments all started with two collages that I created with patterns that I made, then I decided to bring them to life by creating them into garments and wearing them myself.
-jamilla okubo
“We wanted to capture the essence of South African township culture in the 80s and 90s,” says South African photographer Kristin-Lee Moolman, recalling the brief for this shoot – the SS16 lookbook for emerging designer Rich Mnisi’s brand OATH studio. “The culture of androgyny was at its peak, supported largely by the need to ‘show up’ (out do each other).” So, to shoot the images, they headed to Mnisi’s grandmother’s house in Chiawelo, Soweto. When it came to casting the story, Moolman and Mnisi were keen to paint an accurate picture of youth culture in Johannesburg.
While Janet Otobo is a professional model, Wayne Swart is a student who they street cast on the way to the shoot. Aart Verrips is a photographer and, in fact, was Moolman’s assistant on the day. Incidentally it was Verrips’ first time in Soweto. “(It) was a new experience, especially being Afrikaans and gay,” he told us. “It was incredibly refreshing to go to the township and experiencing something totally different to what your perception had been.” As for Lucky Macheke – an accountant – he is Mnsis’s cousin and just happened to be hanging out in his grandmother’s house.
Desire Marea is one half of FAKA, an art duo who, as black queer artists, explore their complex identities through performance. “We teach complexities in a radical fight for our own humanity,” Marea says, explaining their raison d’être. In fact, Moolman and Mnisi also wanted to engage in identity politics in this shoot. “We felt that androgyny resonates with young people in South Africa now, where there is almost a celebration of LGBT communities as a movement to oppose cultural stereotypes and homophobia.
Written by Ted Stansfield for Dazed
"Of whom and of what are we contemporaries? And, first and foremost, what does it mean to be contemporary?" Giorgio Agamben, Qu’est-ce que le contemporain?, Paris, Rivages, 2008. Photo: Icarus 13, Kiluanji Kia Henda
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