The six-petal rosette, the flower-like symbol created by overlapping seven circles, as well as the expanded variants with 7 interlocking rosettes and 19 interlocking rosettes (the latter is called the “Flower of Life” in the New Age movement), is an ancient symbol that has been used across cultures and religions for millennia.
The rosette is a solar symbol in many cultures and many peoples believed it to be magical. It was commonly used as a decorative motif to adorn doors, ceiling beams, crosses, cornices, coats of arms, everyday objects, furniture, musical instruments, ritual items, graves.
In ancient Slavic tradition, the rosette was associated with the chief pagan god Perun, the god of thunder and lightning, and was supposed to protect against lightning and generally ensure the favor of the Thunderer. Appropriately, the symbol is also called the “symbol of Perun” and a “thunder mark” in Ukrainian.
Supporting a ceiling with large wooden crossbeams (“svolok” in Ukrainian and “sosręb” in Polish) was once a common construction practice, found in noble residences as well as in burgher homes, and through the early twentieth century in regional construction, especially in the Carpathians.
The crossbeam was not only an important structural element of the home, but also a symbolic and decorative one: it was in the center of this beam that the rosette was engraved to protect the house against misfortune and especially against fire. Additionally, the date of construction, decorative motifs, the name of the owner, the name of the carpenter, mottos, or religious symbols could be engraved on the beam, turning the crossbeam into a vital record of the house.
Detailed information about the use of crossbeams and the rosette in the architecture of the peoples of Galicia can be found in excellent works of research from the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries by Władysław Matlakowski and Kazimierz Mokłowski. Władysław Matlakowski, a surgeon, ethnographer, and researcher of Podhale architecture and folk art, published Budownictwo ludowe na podhalu (Folk Buildings in Podhale) in 1892 and Zdobienie i sprzęt ludu polskiego na Podhalu (Decoration and Domestic Utensils of the Polish People in Podhale) in 1901, while Kazimierz Mokłowski, a Polish architect and art historian, who later lived and worked in Lviv, published Sztuka Ludowa w Polsce (Folk Art in Poland) in 1903. These three works include thorough descriptions as well as a plenty of illustrations of various elements of the architecture and applied art of the region.
Though historically used across much of Ukraine and Poland, today the rosette is most associated with and best preserved in the culture of the Carpathian highlanders of Galicia, in particular in Hutsul, Boyko, Lemko, and Goral folk architecture, woodwork, and household objects. Accordingly, in Ukrainian it also has such names as “hutsulska rozetka” (Hutsul rosette), “boykivska rozetka” (Boyko rosette) and in Polish “rozeta karpacka” (Carpathian rosette), “rozeta podhalańska” (Podhale rosette), “rozeta góralska” (Goral rosette).
Goral Cottages
Podhale is a region in the Polish Tatra Mountains inhabited by highlanders known as Gorals. Władysław Matlakowski writes in his book Zdobienie i sprzęt ludu polskiego na Podhalu that the “gwiazda” (meaning “star”—another name for the rosette in Polish) is “the most common and the most characteristic ornament in Podhale: it is found everywhere, but mostly on every crossbeam.” Indeed, throughout this book as well as his other book Budownictwo Ludowe na Podhalu, the gwiazda appears in illustrations of such items as spoon racks, chairs, distaffs, and lintels, but most notably on crossbeams.
Examples of old crossbeams with rosettes from the Podhale region can still be found in Poland, especially in open air museums which have preserved the local folk architecture.
Hutsul, Boyko & Lemko Cottages
The Hutsuls, Boykos and Lemkos inhabit what is today the Ukrainian and eastern Polish Carpathian Mountains. Just as among the Gorals, the rosette is found in the architecture and folk crafts of these highlanders.
A testament to the ubiquity of the rosette in the folk architecture of the Carpathian highlanders is Lviv’s Museum of Folk Architecture and Rural Life, which features examples of the architecture of the Hutsuls, Boykos, and Lemkos. The rosette can be seen all over the open air museum, including on several crossbeams inside the homes. It is no wonder the museum uses the rosette as its logo.
In addition to examples from the Carpathian Mountains, Kazimierz Mokłowski’s book Sztuka Ludowa w Polsce includes illustrations of crossbeams from buildings in Lviv which include the rosette, as well as other solar symbols, often along with the year of construction and religious symbols.
Fortunately, not only do these original engraved Renaissance-era crossbeams, as documented by Kazimierz Mokłowski, still support the ceilings of the buildings in Lviv’s historic center, but many of them are open to public viewing as they are generally located in shops, restaurants, and museums.
A widespread symbol among the Gorals, the rosette was a popular symbol in the architecture and interior decor of Zakopane Style villas. Zakopane Style architecture emerged at the end of the nineteenth century when architect Stanislaw Witkiewicz, rejecting foreign building styles that had started to appear in the booming ski resort of Zakopane, chose to embrace traditional Podhale-style architecture, enriching it with elements of Art Nouveau. The new Zakopane Style villas included large intricately engraved crossbeams prominently featuring the rosette, such as can be found in Villa Oksza (built in 1894 by Witkiewicz, today an art gallery) and in the guest house Villa Orla (built 1901). Though by this time the symbol likely lost its meaning as a “thunder mark” and was used purely as a decorative element cherishing the local culture.
Today, the rosette has found new places to thrive across Galicia—for example, it is used as logos for museums and a microbrewery, and found on folk-inspired accessories. Although its history, meaning, and usage may have been forgotten, the “Carpathian” rosette is in fact still alive and well today.
So don’t forget—next time you enter a Carpathian highlander’s cottage, a Renaissance building in Lviv, or a Zakopane Style villa, look up! If you are lucky, you will find an authentic example of this ancient and mystic symbol.
Written by Areta Kovalska
(Wonderful photos on the page)
I just needed to get some of my thoughts out on this topic so this may seem very unorganized and chaotic, but I hope to have better organized posts that are much more informative and stick to a single point, but I do not have the time for that currently with everything going on at university. The concerns I raise are found consistently in Western academia, “Slavic academia” (whatever that means), and of course on tumblr which pulls heavily on outdated materials because thats all they have access to. I am currently compiling a list of articles in English which I think may help clear some of the misunderstandings and offer actually credible/up to date sources, but you’ll have to wait for that.
Also, as a disclaimer, I am not an academic on Slavic polytheism or a professional on the matter (yet!), but these random musings come from years of personal research. And when I say years I mean years. But to just quickly state the biases I might have: I am practitioner of the folk religion of the Slavic peoples, but more specifically the Ukrainian branch of it. Most of my resources have focused on the Ukrainian flavor of the Slavic pre-Christian faith, but most definitely not exclusively as that would be impossible to get any sort of understanding of the faith without comparing it to my neighbors.
First and for most, Slavic polytheism has had influence from the Nordic and Germanic polytheisms, but it is no where the closest or most related. I see this mostly in imagery and how people conceptualize the deities. Thor and Perun are not two sides of the same coin, sure they might have similarities being both derived from an Indo-European source, but seeing Perun as a Slavic Thor is very much bad academia. Slavic polytheism and folklore has a whole load of connections to ancient Iranian polytheism. I would even venture to say that Slavic polytheism is a very interesting blend of Baltic and Iranian mythologies and folklores. This is not to say it is one and the same, but when looking into comparative studies these will offer the richest and most accurate comparisons.
We need to stop seeing Slavic polytheism in terms of Christianity and other institutionalized/state religions (Like Greek or Roman polytheism). Knyaz Volodymyr attempted to institutionalize the Slavic pantheon and failed, converting the people to Orthodoxy only a couple years after this attempt. His pantheon was not universal to Slavs. It pulled from various Slavic tribes and non-Slavic tribes and therefore is perhaps more representative of the elite’s conceptualization of the deities, and not of the common people.
Attempting to reconstruct the Slavic religion without recognizing ancestor veneration is impossible. This is the backbone of the entire religion. The deities were seen as the first ancestors, not like in Greek polytheism where the Gods are a different “species”, for a lack of a better term. We see this reflected in folklore about the Saints being the people’s ancestors, or naming the Moon as an ancestor.
(This concern is more pointed towards people who wish to worship the slavic gods: You can not worship Perun or Veles or Mokosh, etc. without worshiping ancestors. I mean you can, but you aren’t reconstructing the slavic faith, but rather implanting Perun into a, dare I say, New Age/Wiccan(?) structure/conceptualization of paganism.)
People need to start changing how they conceptualize the Slavic pantheon not as a rigid religion controlled by a state, like Greek or Roman polytheism, but rather look into folk religions like Vodou, and rely more on Folklore then on sources writing about the Slavic pre-christian faith through a Christian lens. Of course these few and far between sources can point us in a direction, but when reconstructing the “theology” of the Slavic faith it gives us close to nothing. What I mean is, these sources do not offer anything in terms of how the pre-christian slavs conceptualized the the cosmos, spirits and their gods.
I’m not even going to touch the embarrassing amount of fake gods propagated in academia and on tumblr. I tried making a post about this and failed because i didn’t even know where to start. And many gods are just mislabeled rather than being outright forgeries (I’m looking at you Svarog and Stribog). But please don’t say that every holiday name (Koliada, Kupala, etc.) are gods… and stop with Bilobog and Chernobog… I can’t take it anymore (sarcasm, I will fight you to my grave and then some more in the afterlife).
These ideas and theories are of course are based of my own research, and these ideas will continue to shift as more knowledge is brought to light. Also do not take this as gospel, this is mostly ramblings. When the Gods and ancestors allow it, I want to support these claims with sources so people can read them and decide for themselves. Would love for people to submit their own evidence and theories and claims, so we can have a discussion about the faith that means so much to us.
art by Maxim Aleksandrowicz Kuleshov
part one of my guide to slavic faith - basic problems
part two of my guide to slavic faith - main gods
Perun - God of Thunder and Lighting, Ruler of Sky, Giver of Rain and Punisher of Evil - is possibly the most popular and important Old God from the Slavic pantheon; he unifies the beliefs of many Slavic - and Baltic - tribes.
As I am aware than reliable sources in English are not this easy to find, I decided to translate some notes on him I have from the “Mythology of Slavic People” by Aleksander Gieysztor - a book which is crucial for anyone who wants to really delve into the Slavic faith. It is quite academic and focuses greatly on linguistics, archeology, and folklore. Split in parts to avoid being too long and exhausting (as if it is not already? oh my.) Includes info from Strzelczyk’s Mity, podania i wierzenia dawnych Słowian as well.
- the mentions of Perun and his worship are widely present in texts from both ancient times and Middle Ages; however, they are truly visible in folk oral history, language, and archeological finds.
- Perun as a higher deity is present in nearly all of Slavic tribes’ beliefs as well as in the Baltic ones.
- his name is created from the core “per” and the suffix “un” – such a way of creating a name denotes a role and activity described by the core (nomen agentis); through this, in Polish we have a word “piorun” (lighting) coming from the action of Perun and his role. Both Lithuanian and Latvian have one word for the deity and the lighting.
- his role fluctuated throughout the years between the deity of sky and thunder to the deity of authority and action: both aspects are equally important and present in sources and tradition. a similar process took place in the Roman polytheism.
- the main role of Perun is connected with hitting – he is the one who hits, punishes, sends lightning bolts – this is present in language in certain ways: in Polish “prać” coming from the “per” core meant to wash clothes with the beating stick (kijanka) and is nowadays still present in colloquial Polish meaning “to hit, to beat someone up” (prać kogoś, sprać na kwaśne jabłko itd.)
- Balts have yet another similar core denoting the deity Perku-nas (widely accepted to be the same as Perun) and through the cores “perk” or “perg” apparent in Indoeuropean languages, we can observe connotations with “lighting”, “rock”, “forest”, and “oak tree.”
- there are many documented practices of tribes worshipping oak trees as Perun’s trees – although it is important to note that Slavs did not worship the tree itself but “what [the tree] encompassed, what it meant” (quote from Mircea Eliade, Romanian historian of religion)
- Serbian (but also Macedonian and Bulgarian) practices of “zapis” also highlighted the importance of worship connected to oak trees.
- also places hit by lighting were considered sacred – whether it was a hill, a tree, or earth/sand which created the Perun’s arrows/arrowheads (Fulgurite)
- fulgurites or belemnites were considered the sacred weapon of Perun – Perun’s arrows, God’s arrows (Polish strzałka piorunowa, Ukrainian hromowa strilka/strila boża, Serbian strijela, Slovene strela); if found, they were considered a great luck: put in the child’s cradle for protection and health, rubbed on cows’ udders if they were not giving milk, or put under the thatch to protect the household from being hit by lighting.
- the other weapon of Perun was the Axe – through this axes were considered a sacred symbol and put beside the bed of a woman giving birth, near the threshold of a barn, on the field during sowing, or outside to protect animals and crops from hail.
- from the belief in the magical powers of Perun’s weapons came the practice of hitting oneself on the head with a rock or iron after hearing the first thunder of spring.
- the name of Perun was considered sacred and not to be taken lightly: Marija Gimbutas, a Lithuanian-American archeologist documented that, in Latvia and Lithuania, up until the XX century, only the elders were allowed to utter his name – and even they would use a diminutive form Perkunelis or Perkonitis as a way of omitting his “true name” and not angering him or bringing thunder upon themselves. (this is a widely present in linguistic analysis phenomenon of “magical taboo” and it often causes crucial cores and forms of words to be changed)
- the name of Perun and its various forms are very noticeable in toponymy (the naming of places) such as Lithuanian Perkūnai, the river Perkūnija or the mountain Perkūnkalnis; Bulgarian and Yugoslav Perunac, Perunićka Glava, Peruna Dubrava and dozens more; Polish Piorunowy Dział by the river Poprad; however, the Perun Hill in Istria (peninsula now shared by Croatia, Slovenia and Italy) with the part of it slope called Trebišča is most interesting – the term “treba” in Slavic languages and customs meant “sacrifice, offering”
- his name is also present in other parts of language other than toponymy or words meaning “thunder/lighting bolt/to hit” – most noticeably in curses/swear words such as “may the lighting hit you, may Perun punish you” in various Slavic languages such “niech cię piorun strzeli/trzaśnie” in Polish (there are many other languages using this, but Gieysztor doesn’t quote them – I do not know Serbian or Ukrainian well enough to post outside information here, please check Lug Velesa’s video on Perun where they quote more)
part 2 will include, among others: Perun’s role in Slavic dichotomy (his fight with Veles), the role of Perperuna, more customs, and specific archeologically-confirmed practices in his name.
observe the tag “gods guide” for upcoming updates.
slava,
Żmija
rusalki are not mermaids. stop translating the word "rusalka" as "mermaid" and stop calling rusalki "slavic mermaids". it's confusing, it's misleading, and it's simply isn't true. the association of rusalka with a western mermaid and undine began in 19th century, when russian empire poets wanted to adapt a popular western motif of a sorrowful water maid that is unrequitedly in love with a mortal man. this literature character of rusalka has nothing to do with actual rusalki folklore and cult.
rusalki are natural undead spirits that are connected to slavic ancestral worship. they don't have tails. they are not in any way connected to the sea: only lakes, ponds, and rivers. often, they're not even connected to water at all: there are forest rusalki, field rusalki, meadow rusalki, etc. they are in close relationships with their human kin: during the spring and summer, they are used in agricultural rites and are believed to help with farming and raising crops. rusalki were sacred to slavic people. the "week of the rusalki" festival, when rusalki are believed to walk on earth and visit their relatives, is celebrated to this day. to call them "slavic mermaids" is very diminutive of their actual role in slavic cultures.
The belief in evil eye, intentional or not, is rather prevalent in Slavic lands in general and in Ukraine in particular. Perhaps the most notable example is the tradition of not showing newborn babies to anyone but the closest relatives - hence why many a young mother can be seen avoiding public spaces and covering the baby carriage so that the child is not visible when it can not be avoided.
Naturally, such a belief produces many a way to protect oneself from ills brought by tempting the fate and glances filled with envy. An obvious example would be a cross, or any other symbol that signifies divine protection. A red string, preferably woolen, tied with seven knots around a person’s left wrist is worn for the same purpose; it is believed that when the string is torn or lost, it has completed its purpose, perhaps due to the number or the strength of the attacks, and is no longer of use - so a new one should be tied. A safety pin can be worn pinned to the wrong side of clothes near chest area - interestingly, knives or needles by doors or windows similarly protect homes and vehicles. A piece of clothing worn inside out protects both from evil eye and from malicious or overly playful spirits. It is believed that when a Lisovyk leads you away from your path in the forest, putting something on inside out, boots on the wrong feet, or looking around upside down between your legs - making something one way or another wrong, not-you or not-human about your appearance or perception, - should help you see through the spirit’s tricks.
Certain protective elements are imbedded in the traditional costume itself - vibrant colours and reflective surfaces distract the malicious eye from the individual, which is considered especially important for young, attractive people. You can have a mirror on your person for that purpose - or, once again, put one in your window, facing the street.
One, of course, could benefit from the knowledge that a person with a strong will and mind is harder to influence, so a positive outlook is a useful and inexpensive tool to have in your kit along with sharp objects and colourful accessories.
Is Slavic polytheism closed or open to anyone? Does it depend on the branch so to speak? I know Slavic polytheism is a broad term.
Not an anon, but still curious: what are your thoughts on braids and binding one's hair, particularly in the context of Ukrainian folklore? What is its use and meaning? I believe we have discussed this before but it has been on my mind lately, so I would be interested in any thoughts you might have.
There is, of course, the practical part to it - in a historically largely farming area, it makes sense to put your hair away from your face. And thus a long, thick, preferably black braid becomes an indicator of someone’s well-being and an important part of the folk beauty ideal, alongside dark, arched eyebrows, red cheeks, and a strong yet slender figure. It also signifies a woman’s neatness and modesty. In Ukrainian, when someone is described as простоволоса, it not only speaks of their unbound hair, but also implies, in the best case scenario, the individual’s distress or mental illness, or their existence outside of society and its norms, often through strange or immoral behaviour. In that sense a braid is as much of a mark of civilisation as a belt is.
The perspective on hair can be traced not only through a belief that is straightforwardly about it, but also through rituals and superstition that involve it. We see the obligation for married women to put their hair up and thoroughly cover it, otherwise she may be the cause of illness and misfortune upon her household or even entire village - it would have been easy to dismiss it as a mechanism of societal control, if unbound hair was not featured in rituals with a clear magical purpose, or during childbirth, with aim being to help the newborn pass through into this world, to untie everything that may hold it back. Hair becomes, pardon my unintentional pun, thoroughly entangled with the notion of a life path, of experience and personal, even magical power.
We see a similar sentiment in certain marriage rituals, in which the bride’s hair is braided into one strand and even cut off. The former was more common in the past: the hair is let down the morning of the wedding, and into it braided coins or items symbolising protection and prosperity. It after can be cut off to regrow in the marriage, by her older brother or the husband, and the woman’s head is immediately after covered never to be shown bare to anyone outside of her immediate household. That is the moment she becomes a wife. In the modern day, the ritual, still widely practiced in West Ukraine, usually looks like putting some money into the bride’s hairstyle or, more traditionally, a single braid, and letting a younger brother comb it out before putting a bridal veil on.
Magically, hair can be used to represent an individual for potentially malicious spells, and it is believed that if a bird takes the hairs someone loses to build a nest, they shall suffer from headaches.
And so, hair put up traditionally shows personal decency and reproductive and societal role, the hairstyle serves a protective function for a part that signifies someone’s life, power, and the very person - but also, even though it is not so frequently talked about, it serves to divide time and space. It is acceptable not to cover your (still braided once the person leaves childhood) hair when unmarried, and so it separates single and paired life. It is acceptable not to be covered in the presence of your husband, and so it separates home and intimacy from the outdoors and more practical relationships. It is acceptable to let your hair loose for a ritual, often performed at night in solitude or in the company of other women, and so it separates a magical action from a mundane one.
The principle is expressed in my own practice, even though I shall be the first to admit not to have given it that much thought: I myself cover my head for formal prayer, put my hair up when I expect to be in front of strangers, and last I cut it was very much in the first couple of weeks of speaking to my beloved. I am starting to suspect ancestors were involved in the last decision. Dead people, I swear.
Healing practices also change and evolve while retaining certain features: Заговаривать от тоски нужно над проточной водой, у реки, как объясняла мне одна из моих собеседниц, но в городе «ты можешь и над батареей», в ней тоже вода течет [“You have to say the words to ease toska (longing) over running water, by a river”, one of my female interlocutors explained to me, but in town “you can do it over a radiator,” in which water flows too]
- Review of Магические практики севернорусских деревень: заговоры, обереги, лечебные ритуалы. Записки конца XX – начала XXI в. (reviewed by Sibelan Forrester)
In Carpatho-Ukraine and Hutsul belief, the common rue (ruta graveolens), which normally blooms yellow, will bloom red every ten years. The red ruta, featured in literature and folk songs, can be used to charm a person of your desire.
It is also believed that during storms the devil can find shelter in the rue plant.
(translated by me from Магія Українців - Лілія Мусіхіна; Ukrainian Magic by Lilia Musikhina)
Ukrainian folk healers, known “as a babka, or babka-sheptukha (granny or granny-whisperer) are elderly women who perform magico-religious rituals such as the ‘pouring forth of wax’ (vylyvaty visk sometimes called strakh vylyvaty, ‘to pour fear’) to treat a variety of maladies. They are usually respected figures in their communities, and are seen by many to possess a valuable form of wisdom that cannot be learned in books. Though some babky are rumoured to be witches who practise both white and black magic, and their practices are derided by some as superstitions their fellow villagers usually respect them, seeing them as God’s chosen healers. The babky see themselves (and are seen by most villagers) in terms of what Faith Wigzell has described as the role of the Russian znakharki (knowing ones). Historically, she writes, znakharki were folk healers who (in contrast to witches and sorcerers), did not embody supernatural powers, but acted as mediators with the unclean force [1998:49].
…In the villages I visited, people frequently utilised the services of babky. Most babky indicated that they had patients every day, and people came from distant villages and cities to seek the services of several of the better-known babky. In addition to performing the wax ritual, many babky were also skilled in administering herbal remedies, conducting rituals to remove the evil eye, throwing (reading) cards, and performing healing massage. While babky treated people of any age, they indicated that frequently their patients were young children suffering from fear sickness, stuttering, irritability, difficulty sleeping, and similar ailments. For their services the babky usually received a small amount of money (2-5 hryvni) or barter in the form of eggs, sugar, flour, butter, hrechka (buckwheat groats) or moonshine.
…The moon held special significance in the beliefs and practices of several babky, and some prayers involved invocations to the new moon. Eva told me, for example, that one must follow this procedure to cure a toothache: when the molodyk appears, that is the new (literally, young) moon, when you can see just a tiny sliver of the moon, then you must stand on a rock and say, ‘Molodyk, molodyk, have you been to the other world?’ ‘I have.’ ‘Do people die there?’ ‘They do.’ ‘Do teeth hurt there?’’They don’t.’ ‘Then don’t let ours hurt either.’ Similarly, Paraskovia Moroz told me the following prayer: Clear moon, young prince, don’t let anyone have them [dry patches from eczema or psoriasis] not Oksana. Take it away, you are young, you see everything at night on the earth.’ Babky often told patients to time their rituals and prayers to the appearance of the new moon. In some cases, the new moon was seen to have powers to renew a spell, if a particular incantation was repeated with each new moon.
…In general, the babky said they felt freer to practice their craft since the fall of Soviet rule in Ukraine. Paraskovia Moroz, who was born in 1930, had wanted to study to become a doctor or veterinarian. Her parents, who warned her that all students were forced into the Komsomol (Communist Youth League), dissuaded her. Komsomol members during the turbulent war years in Western Ukraine were oftentimes tossed into the river, she reported. Paraskovia said that when she began to heal people in 1964 (she was then thirty four years old) she had to practice in secret. Folk healing was actively repressed by the Soviet regime, and anyone practising it could have been arrested, she said.
…Earlier Paraskovia had always pleaded with patients to keep her healing a secret, but now she felt free to heal and everyone knew of her abilities. The fact that women like Paraskovia Moroz had protected knowledge of these prayers, rituals, and folk remedies is evidence both of their strong character, and the tenacity of these beliefs and practices.
…Anthropologists who have studied ritual and shamanism note that, across cultures, ritual practice becomes more prevalent in times of social upheaval [Turner 1967, 1969, 1974].
In the context of a significant decline in living standards, widespread impoverishment, and uncertainty about the future in Ukraine, it is not surprising that villagers (and frequently, urban dwellers) would seek the services of a diviner-healer.
As Wigzell [1998: 191] notes for contemporary Russia, fortune-telling (in our case, represented by divinatory practices associated with the wax ritual) has an important role to play in helping individuals cope with their lives. This insight, I think, can be extended to the entire range of healing practices espoused by babky in Ukrainian villages. Coping mechanisms, and, especially, attempts to restore and maintain harmony, are encoded in all the roles fulfilled by the babky. In today’s trying times, I would argue, Ukrainian babky carry out gendered performances that accord them a measure of prestige and power; complement and replace the system of state medicine; act as psychotherapists; and specialise in psychosocial ailments to simultaneously heal persons and communities.
…As previously stated, babky are generally held in high esteem as wise women. They are believed to have special knowledge of prayers and ritual practices, and to possess a unique connection to God, Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary and the saints. The concomitant suspicion that babky may also dabble in black magic may diminish the esteem with which some villagers regard these women, but also garners them additional respect (out of fear). In general, however, most villagers associate babky very positively with pious religious belief and practice. For many, they embody the nurturing mother figure.”
Excerpts from the article: Waxing Like the Moon: Women Folk Healers in Rural Western Ukraine by Sarah D. Phillips ; University of Indiana
For full article (it includes details of the pouring of wax and other details, as well as a bibliography):
https://journals.ku.edu/…/article/download/3744/3583/4458
Photo source: Ірина Шараневич
“Babusya z poliovymy kvitamy, Ukraine, from Iryna with love”
Kupala Night, also called Ivanа-Kupala, is a traditional eastern Slavic holiday which is celebrated in Ukraine, Poland, Belarus and Russia during the night from 6 to 7 July (on the Gregorian calendar). (This corresponds to 23-24 June on these countries’ traditional Julian calendar.) Calendar-wise, it is opposite to the winter holiday Koliada. The celebration relates to the summer solstice when nights are the shortest and includes a number of Slavic rituals.
The name of the holiday was originally Kupala; a pagan fertility rite later adapted into the Orthodox Christian calendar by connecting it with St. John’s Day which is celebrated on 24 June.
The Ukrainian, Belarusian and Russian name of this holiday combines “Ivan” (John, in this case John the Baptist) and Kupala which was thought to be derived from the Slavic word for bathing, which is cognate. However, it likely stems from the proto-Slavic kump, a gathering. The two feasts could be connected by reinterpreting John’s baptizing people through full immersion in water. However, the tradition of Kupala predates Christianity. The pagan celebration was adapted and reestablished as one of the native Christian traditions intertwined with local folklore.
The holiday is still enthusiastically celebrated by the younger people of Eastern Europe. The night preceding the holiday (Tvorila night) is considered the night for “good humour” mischiefs (which sometimes would raise the concern of law enforcement agencies). On Ivan Kupala day itself, children engage in water fights and perform pranks, mostly involving pouring water over people.
Many of the rites related to this holiday are connected with the role of water in fertility and ritual purification. This is due to the ancient Kupala rites. On Kupala day, young people jump over the flames of bonfires in a ritual test of bravery and faith. The failure of a couple in love to complete the jump, while holding hands, is a sign of their destined separation.
Girls may float wreaths of flowers (often lit with candles) on rivers, and attempt to gain foresight into their romantic relationship fortune from the flow patterns of the flowers on the river. Men may attempt to capture the wreaths, in the hope of capturing the interest of the woman who floated it.
There is an ancient Kupala belief that the eve of Ivan Kupala is the only time of the year when ferns bloom. Prosperity, luck, discernment, and power befall whom ever finds a fern flower (Chervona ruta). Therefore, on that night, village folk roam through the forests in search of magical herbs, and especially, the elusive fern flower (Chervona ruta).
Traditionally, unmarried women, signified by the garlands in their hair, are the first to enter the forest. They are followed by young men. Therefore, the quest to find herbs and the fern flower (Chervona ruta) may lead to the blooming of relationships between pairs within the forest.
According to folklore, the flower is Chervona ruta. The flower is yellow, but according to legend, it turns red on the eve of Ivan Kupala Day. Ferns are not angiosperms (flowering plants), and instead reproduce by spores.
In Gogol’s story The Eve of Ivan Kupala, a young man finds the fantastical fern-flower, but is cursed by it. Gogol’s tale may have been the stimulus for Modest Mussorgsky to compose his tone poem Night on Bald Mountain, adapted by Yuri Ilyenko into a film of the same name.
SOURCES: Image #1: Wikimedia Commons: License: Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-SA 3.0) Source Photographer: Simon Kozhin/С.Л.Кожин Title: Kupala Night, Divination on the Wreaths Artist: Simon Kozhin/С.Л.Кожин Image #2: Wikimedia Commons: Title: Night on the Eve of Ivan Kupala Artist: Henryk Hector Siemiradzki License: Public Domain Image #3: Wikimedia Commons: Title: Івана Купала (Ivanа-Kupala). Stamp of Ukraine (1998) License: Public Domain Text: Wikipedia: Kupala Night: Fern Flower: Chervona ruta. License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License
“Don’t look up at the heavens—there is no bread there. As you get closer to Earth, you get closer to bread”
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